The Strict Cycle Condition (SCC) permits phonological rules to apply only in derived environments. The notion of a derived environment, and consequently the phenomena attributed to the SCC, are problematic in Optimality Theory (OT). This article argues that OT can be extended to accommodate SCC effects by using local constraint conjunction. By locally conjoining a markedness constraint with a faithfulness constraint, the markedness constraint is active only when the faithfulness constraint is violated. The predictions of this approach are compared to the SCC and found to be superior in several respects.
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During the preparation of this paper, I received helpful comments from John Alderete, Arto Anttila, Eric Bakovic, Christina Bethin, Paul de Lacy, Bruce Hayes, Ben Hermans, Ed Keer, Michael Kenstow-icz, John Kingston, Marzena Rochob, Jennifer Smith, and an anonymous reviewer. This paper also benefited from the reactions of audiences at WCCFL and GLOW. I am especially grateful to John McCarthy for his continued help throughout this research and to Alan Prince, Jerzy Rubach, and Lisa Selkirk for valuable discussions. This work was supported by the National Science Foundation under grant SBR-9420424. * Phone: +I (413) 545 0885; Fax: +I (413) 545 2792; E-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org 037%2166/02/$ - see front matter 0 2002 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved. PII: SOO24-3841(01)00043-2
- Lexical Phonology
- Optimality Theory